Ukraine could be a big win for Trump

Artículo
The Sentinel-Record, 06.06.2026
Fareed Zakaria

Pres­id­ent Don­ald Trump faces plunging pub­lic approval at home and a messy war he ini­ti­ated abroad. But he has an oppor­tun­ity to change that nar­rat­ive, not in the Middle East but more than a thou­sand miles away, in Europe, where a bloody war rages on between Rus­sia and Ukraine. In recent months, the tide has turned in that con­flict in ways that make peace finally pos­sible.

Ukraine is now in the fifth year of a war against an adversary with roughly 12 times its eco­nomy and more than four times its pop­u­la­tion. Its mere sur­vival has been one of the great mil­it­ary and national achieve­ments of the mod­ern era. But now, Kyiv is no longer simply sur­viv­ing. It is chan­ging the arith­metic of the war.

For years, Rus­sia’s bru­tal advant­age was not that it fought well. It was that it could fight badly and endure the cost. Its army used con­scripts, con­victs, eth­nic minor­it­ies, poor men from remote regions and any­one else the state could throw into the fur­nace. It lost stag­ger­ing num­bers of sol­diers, but could recruit more than it lost, often bring­ing in more than 30,000 men every month.

That equa­tion has begun to break. Rus­sia is tak­ing losses at a rate that appears to exceed its abil­ity to replace trained troops. Its advances, bought at enorm­ous cost, have slowed to a crawl. Rus­sian forces that once aspired to take all of Don­bas are now mov­ing in meters, not miles. In May, bat­tle­field track­ers sug­gest Rus­sia barely gained ter­rit­ory at all and may even have lost some ground. Rus­sia’s size, once its great advant­age, has become a liab­il­ity: more logist­ics to pro­tect, more tar­gets to defend, more ter­rit­ory vul­ner­able to attack.

Ukraine, mean­while, has sub­sti­tuted speed, intel­li­gence and ingenu­ity for mass. It has built a for­mid­able drone industry, much of it homegrown. It plans to pro­duce more than 7 mil­lion drones this year. (By com­par­ison, the United States is plan­ning to pro­duce about 300,000 by the end of 2027). Ukraine is using midrange strikes to dis­rupt Rus­sian logist­ics and com­mand posts behind the front. It is using long-range drones and mis­siles to hit refiner­ies, oil depots, air­fields, radar sites and mil­it­ary factor­ies inside Rus­sia itself. Rus­sian Pres­id­ent Vladi­mir Putin can no longer keep the war safely con­tained in Ukraine. Even Moscow’s Vic­tory Day cel­eb­ra­tion in Red Square last month was scaled down under the shadow of Ukrain­ian drones.

None of this means Ukraine is close to an easy vic­tory. Rus­sia is still pound­ing Ukrain­ian cit­ies with its own mis­siles and drones. Kyiv remains short of Pat­riot inter­cept­ors. It still has man­power prob­lems, and its polit­ics have been strained by cor­rup­tion scan­dals and harsh con­scrip­tion.

But the momentum has shif­ted. One cru­cial reason for this change is Europe. Per­haps the most under­ap­pre­ci­ated suc­cess of the war this year has been Europe’s abil­ity to step in after Amer­ica stepped back. European aid has now largely off­set the col­lapse in Amer­ican sup­port for Kyiv. The European Union’s 90 bil­lion euro loan pack­age is begin­ning to move, freed from Viktor Orban’s obstruc­tion after his defeat in Hun­gary. Europeans have taken charge of this war.

This is where Trump comes in. His dip­lomacy toward Ukraine has so far been a study in squandered lever­age. He berated Ukrain­ian Pres­id­ent Volodymyr Zelensky, treated Ukrain­ian con­ces­sions as the start­ing point of nego­ti­ations and gave Putin reason to believe he could wait the West out.

But Trump still has tools no European leader pos­sesses. He could threaten to restart major Amer­ican mil­it­ary aid to Kyiv, tighten sanc­tions on Rus­sian oil and the shadow fleet, and speed up the sale of U.S. weapons to NATO coun­tries for trans­fer to Ukraine. Then he could offer Putin an exit ramp in the form of a peace deal. Remem­ber, Rus­sia has lost some­where between 350,000 and 500,000 sol­diers in a war that accord­ing to a new inde­pend­ent sur­vey is now deeply unpop­u­lar at home.

Trump’s pro-Rus­sian bias iron­ic­ally pos­i­tions him well to make such a deal. Putin knows Trump has long been skep­tical of Kyiv and indul­gent toward Moscow. Of course, for the Ukrain­i­ans and Europeans to accept the deal it would have to be ser­i­ous. Ukraine should be will­ing to con­cede ter­rit­ory, but its new bor­ders must be defens­ible. It needs real secur­ity guar­an­tees that anchor Ukraine in the West. The war is not about Don­bas. It is about whether Ukraine will remain a sov­er­eign coun­try free to choose its future.

Putin’s twin theories of victory were that Ukraine was weak and the West would tire. Both have collapsed. This is Trump’s opportunity. He could help end the worst war in Europe since World War II, secure Ukraine’s place in the West and deter a revanchist great power with an imperial project to defeat the West. This would be a real achievement, not a phony, photo op ceasefire like the ones in the Middle East that Trump has brandished. It would be a deal that actually deserves to be called historic.

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